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The most important piece of evidence which scholars bring forwardin order to support Snorris authorship is a Danish translation of anumber of kings sagas from aboutby the Norwegian LaurentsHanssn, which was commissioned by Hans Svaning, a tutor of theDanish prince, later King Frederik II King of Denmark and Norwayfrom to Scholars usually bring forward another piece of evidence to sus-tain their claim that Snorri wrote Heimskringla: The lafslg within the Grgs text are then regarded asthe record within a thirteenth-century document, Konungsbk-Grgs,of the eleventh-century laws given by King lfr inn helgi.

It might be important to investigate why this transcript didnot contain the prologue and the first three sagas of the Kringla manuscript. BjarniEinarsson once shared his ideas on Egils saga with me and I owehim my gratitude.

Does it, moreover,allow us to fix the text?

Adriele Marques –

Bp, chapter 18, p. It is not therefore unreasonable tospeak of thirteenth- and fourteenth-century redactors, as the sagaswere probably written and re-written during this period of time. Accordingly,I suggest that Hanssn consciously manipulated the information hehad junikr him in such a way that he could present the names ofboth Ari inn fri and Snorri Sturluson.

Maurers theory of privatecollections of laws, Rechtsbcher, was in fact applied to the whole of mediaevalScandinavian laws; see Norseng, Law Codes, pp. Gitzor biskup oc Teitr filius eius.

All translations are my own, except when stated otherwise. In order to use saga narratives as a source of historical investi-gation, it is not necessary to establish their historicity or to presup-pose their historical status by deeming them to be the work ofTypological Perspectives of Nordic Prehistory in Snorri, Saxo, Widukind and Others,in Tradition og historieskrivning: AprlStofnun rna Magnssonar slandi, 38 Reykjavk: The reviews of both Lars Lnnroth in Samlaren, 84and Bjarni Gunason in Skrnir, are more sym-pathetic to Hallbergs endeavour.


The inheritance rights of Icelandersin Norway and Norwegians in Iceland are dealt with in both thelafslg and Chapter VII, which relates to inheritance. The merry appro-priation, by the mother tongue, of the meaning specific to the writ-ten work, has the effect of profusely spreading the privilege of writing.

According to rna saga biskups and three fourteenth-centuryIcelandic annals, King Magns Hkonarson had a law-book sent toIceland inwhich was approved at the Albingi in Firstly, I will study the sixteenth-century historical background in which the idea of the authorshipof mediaeval Icelandic texts developed, a study which will also beof relevance to my discussion of the so-called Gizurarsttmli in Chapter3.

Fourteenth-century instancesof the verse have heitinn instead of heita: Wecannot think of these saga versions as mere reworkings, progressivelyand chronologically further away from an original.

Free men, those who have full rights,90 are topay land-dues of six trade-cloaks and six ells of wadmal or half a markof silver.

Icelanders have the right to go to Iceland except isd an enemy hostis known for certain in Norway. Steblin-Kamenskijsthesis finds echoes in Aaron Ya.

Die Untertanen des norwegischenKnigs sollten auf der Insel in allen und jeden Beziehungen die gleichen Rechtegenieen wie die Sxmpaio selbst [The subjects of the Norwegian king should enjoythe same rights on the island, in each and every respect, as the Icelanders themselves].

Philology in a Manuscript Culture, Speculum,65pp. Hi slenzka fornritaflag,repr.

ZetГ©rica e DogmГЎtica. FERRAZ JUNIOR. Tercio Sampaio. IED 4. ed

In the kunior of the third stanza, we are told that Sigvatr comes fromIceland: The provision inGrgs-Staarhlsbk does not extend the power of the king over Icelandas much as the provision in Grgs-Konungsbk, which implicitly allowsa retainer who was outside Iceland to prosecute in Iceland. Sguflag,pp. Theattribution of Heimskringla to Snorri first appears during the sixteenthcentury, and I investigate it within this immediate historical context.

It is possible that this interpretation wasreached by analogy with a subsequent provision, which states thatIcelanders have hldsrttr in Norway, eampaio being the legalstatus in this case, that of hauldr or hldr 74 concerning the right ofcompensation for personal offences and other injuries. This can also be observed in many other manuscripts, and in most instances seemsto show some awareness of the structure of the text.

Icelanders and the Kings of Norway: Mediaeval Sagas and Legal Texts (The Northern World, 17)

Efterdi at Norges rige nu saa ief er, baadeaf magt og formue, og Norges riges indbyggere ikke alene formaar at underholdeen herre og konge. Quotations are given as they appear in the specified editions oftexts used in this book.


As argued above, even when the fac-tual content asmpaio the attribution can be quickly discounted, its effectin determining the meaning of the text cannot. Whenthere is a significant omission or addition relevant to my analysis, Sampajo pointed out disparities between the texts.

North demonstrates in a dissertation about the con-ventions of ferrza in Renaissance England,early modern authors and book producers manipulated the conven-tions of attribution and name suppression in a remarkable variety ofways, sometimes looking back to complex medieval conventions ofanonymity and sometimes responding directly to the demands of printculture.

The rational organisation of Chapter XV, which separatesissues that are related to more general matters dealt with in earlierchapters, but are more specific and deserving of special attention,suggests that its sections were deliberately appended afterwards, notmerely remembered later and grouped together unsystematically. Andersson,14 chapter oneAs ystein Rian argues, the conservative maintenance of the lawsbecame a bulwark for the Norwegian national inheritance, and theconservative retention of the laws was combined with an interestin the old kings sagas.

In analyzing the meaning of texts, we need to do more thanjuxtapose them beside the circumambient cultural scripts of theperiod.

Even when an authorship attribution is known, it is not alwayspossible to establish which text can be fixed to that particular author,and in view of sampauo impossibility, it is better to treat the texts as asocial product.

The best review and jinior of his method is Frederico AlbaniLeoni, Sagas islandaises et statistique linguistique, Arkiv fr nordisk filologi, 85I also thank the staff at Stofnunar rna Magnssonar slandi, espe-cially Sigurgeir Steingrimsson. My emphasis on the method-ological problems concerning the sagas is not meant to imply thatthe legal texts, annals, and diplomatic documents which I will dis-cuss do not also present methodological problems.